India-Taliban budding romance – Newspaper

India has recently decided to update its relations with the Taliban government. On January 8, the Secretary of Foreign Affairs of India, Vikram Misri, traveled to Dubai to meet with the Foreign Minister of the Afghan Government, Amir Khan Muttaqi.

Both countries agreed to maintain regular contact at several levels, as stated by the Indian Ministry. The Afghan delegation underlined its sensitivity to the security concerns of India. Muttaqi assured the Indian delegation that his government is pursuing a “balanced foreign policy oriented to the economy.” He wanted improved political and economic relations with India, recognizing its importance as a prominent economic country in the region.

A spokesman for the Afghan Foreign Ministry declared that the Foreign Minister said to the Indian side that “there is no danger to anyone in Afghanistan” and expressed hope to strengthen diplomatic relations, including visa facilities for entrepreneurs, patients and students. The Secretary of Foreign Affairs of India emphasized the willingness of India to expand relations with Afghanistan in political and economic areas, promoting trade through the port of Chabahar in the neighbor Iran.

The increase in India-Talibán relations is a significant development. Those who invoke Islamic feelings about the Taliban can realize how Realpolitik operates in diplomacy. This should also serve as a lesson for those in Pakistan who were too optimistic about the victory of the Talibanes and hastened to tell their successes. In Realpolitik, ideology is often in the background to practical realities.

Currently, hard -line talibans are trying to accept the government dominated by Hindutva, who previously considered them terrorists and was at the forefront of advocating the sanctions in the United Nations Security Council.

It would be a proof of the pragmatism of the Taliban not to sacrifice their relations with Pakistan to obtain temporary profits.

The adage “The enemy of my enemy is my friend”, often attributed to Chanakya, seems to be at stake in the beauty relationship between the Taliban and the modi government led by RSS. Indian analysts describe this as Modi’s pragmatic approach, while the advances of the Taliban seem destined to obtain more economic and humanitarian support.

The exaggeration generated by Pakistan’s air attacks provided a rare opportunity for the Taliban to continue their agenda with India. At the same time, India saw the events that take place as a tactical opportunity to ensure their support point in Afghanistan. Both parties expressed interest in greater trade through the port of Chabahar, although past attempts have been hesitated due to high transport costs. Indian companies have doubted to interact with Afghanistan through Chabahar, since trade through Pakistan is still less expensive.

By improving their contacts with the Taliban, India is adopting a regional approach to maintain its relevance in regional policy. India is a member of the Moscow format, which includes the immediate neighbors and Russia of Afghanistan. These countries have been supporting Afghanistan at a subsistence level, since the rest of the world, including the United States and the West, shows little interest in getting involved financially with the Taliban. Through a greater interaction with the Taliban regime, India seeks to galvanize its role in Afghan affairs.

However, a parallel current within the Moscow format has more geopolitical relevance than India. A quadrilateral group that includes Pakistan, China, Iran and Russia maintains narrower interactions with respect to Afghanistan and has been crucial to keep the Taliban economically.

While India can be active in the Afghan scene, its strategic association with the United States can make it a “suspect” within the regional context, particularly in the light of the ongoing competition between the United States and China and the sanctions against Russia And Iran. Given the low priority that the United States has assigned to Afghanistan, India may need to adjust its diplomatic options in the region.

Historically, India has seen Afghanistan through the lens of her relationship with Pakistan. The projection of an approach ‘focused on people’ has allowed India to adapt its position in response to changes in Afghanistan. For example, during the Soviet invasion, India supported the Soviet installed regime while labeling the Mujahidines as terrorists. When the Najibullah regime fell, India changed its support to the Burhanuddin Rabbani regime, turning against Pakistan. During the effectiveness of Taliban 1.0, India was absent from Afghanistan but supported the Northern Alliance.

In the two decades after September 11, India took advantage of its relations with successive Afghan administrations (Karzai and Ghani) installed under the occupation of US NATO, taking advantage of the Afghan soil and representatives against Pakistan. By renewing relations with the Taliban, India aims to revitalize its strategies to apply pressure on Pakistan through Afghan representatives. However, the Taliban would be aware of the dangers of falling into the Indian trap, which invited Pakistan’s opposite strategies in the past. It would be a proof of the pragmatism of the Taliban not to sacrifice their relations with Pakistan to obtain temporary profits.

In addition, the history of the Taliban on human rights, gender equality and inclusive governance continue to hinder their international acceptance. India’s commitment to the Taliban could invite criticism, both nationally and internationally, because it seems to legitimize a regime widely condemned by its oppressive policies. Balancing these concerns with the realpolitik imperatives will require careful diplomatic maneuver.

The incipient Indo-Talibán relationship is full of challenges. The alignment of India with the United States and the dependence of the Taliban in the quadrilateral group pose significant obstacles for a deeper commitment. In addition, the history of the Taliban on governance and human rights remains a controversial issue that could complicate the efforts of India to strengthen ties.

By navigating these complexities, both India and the Taliban will have to adopt a balanced and pragmatic approach. For India, this means taking advantage of its economic and technological strengths to forge a significant role in Afghanistan and monitor Pakistan. For the Taliban, this implies maintaining a balanced foreign policy that avoids alienating the key regional players, especially Pakistan, while pursuing the closest ties with India. For Pakistan, Indian machinations against Pakistan would determine their future position towards the theocratic order in Afghanistan.

The writer is the former special representative of Pakistan for Afghanistan. It served as an ambassador to the country in Iran and the EAU.

durraniasif2@gmail.com

Posted in Dawn, January 29, 2025



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